September 18, 2018

September 1951: When the Czech Freedom Train crashed through the Iron Curtain ©

September 11, 1951, passenger train no. 3717 carrying 108 persons and crew was “hijacked” and crashed through the Iron Curtain when it was deliberately driven across the Czechoslovak-German border into the town of Wildenau, in the American military Sector. Thirty-one persons, including Jaroslav Konvalinka (1911-1999), the train’s engineer, Karel Truxa (1922-1993), and their respective families, asked for and received permission to stay in the West.

Karel Truxa was the railroad stationmaster as the Czech town of Cheb. He had been sent to a labor camp for five months for giving refuge to two men who were hiding from the Communist secret police. 

Konvalinka and Truxa had been warned by Vaclav Trobl, a former policeman, that they were under investigation for "underground" activities: Trobl had been interrogated for three day, learned of the investigation, and upon release from custody, went to Konvlinka and Truxa with the warning. Trobl, his wife, and son were aboard the train.

The day before the escape, he rode his motorcycle to the Asch freight yards and unseen threw a switch so that any train that came over that particular track would be diverted onto a spur leading to the Czech border that had not been used since before the Communist coup d’état in 1948. Then Truxa went to Pilsen to wait for the next morning's Prague-Asch express that he knew would be piloted by Konvalinka.

As the train approached Asch, it did not slow down. Instead, Konvalinka pushed the throttle all the way forward and the train sped past the station platform, through the freight yards and into the unused track. whose switch Truska had set the day before.

In an exclusive interview for The National Czech & Slovak Museum & Library (NCSML), Karel Ruml describes his heroic experiences on the train:


I stood there with my back against the handbrake, hoping to make it invisible, and sort of studying the people on board, most of whom were actually high school students returning home to Aš, which was the town on the border – high school kids – and then the train started accelerating instead of slowing down. We could see the machine-gun towers, the minefields with the barbed wire around, all the beautiful sights of a police state. And me standing there alone, watching the beautiful hills, actually, other than that on the border.

It was so close then, from that point to the border, there wasn’t much time to think of anything else. This enormously fat policeman approached me and tried to push me away from the brake, whereupon I jammed the gun in his stomach and tried to use him as a barrier between myself and his colleagues who were behind him, praying to God that I wouldn’t forced   to pull the trigger. But the guy turned cowardly like all the defenders of totality and didn’t do anything, just stood there giving me a horrible look of hate. I could smell his breath smelling of beer and onion and buřty [sausages] and that’s how I crossed the border.

Karel Ruml also described his experience in the Czech language book Z deníku vlaku svobody (From the Diary of the Freedom Train

The Czechoslovak government officially protested to the American Embassy for alleged American complicity in the incident and sent two protest notes on September 20, 1951 to US Ambassador Ellis O. Briggs, who then requested assistance from Washington for a reply. The same day, the State Department sent back a “top-secret, priority, needs immediate action” telegram asking for the Ambassador Brigg’s views of a draft propaganda leaflet message intended for Czechoslovakia (original text, including misspellings of Names):

Balloons wld carry unsigned msg providing factual account train episode and reception and handling of passengers aboard. Leaflet wld also contain fol message  ‘31 of the passengers choose to remain in the West. 77 chose to return to their homes, wives and husband and children and have been freely permitted to go back. These 77 chose to defer personal freedom until the day when their country and their people together regain freedom for all.  It will take time, just as Engineer Konbalinka’s plans did, to switch the track that will shunt Czecho off its present road to Moscow and on to the main line that leads to freedom and justice for all.'

Reverse of leaflet bearing pictures of trains, engineer and fireman wld have fol msg from Konbalinka stating: ‘People of Czecho, I beg you, for your own good, not to believe that ‘Amer agents’ were involved in freedom train episode. It is just one more of the many lies spread by the Muscovites. Mr.Trusa and I planned the project entirely alone because conditions as so many of you know them at home have become unbearable for us.'

Ambassador Briggs responded that the balloons and leaflets should be immediately launched. 

The FEP printed up the leaflets, including a photograph of 18 of the 31 Czechs who received asylum. The lofting of these leaflets began on September 26, 1951, and continued until the completed launching of 10,000 balloons with 8,000,000 messages. The State Department in Washington notified the American Embassy of the balloon launchings. 

The photograph that accompanied many American newspapers articles carried the text:

MESSAGE IN THE SKY—Karel Truxa and Jaroslav Konvalinka, leaders the "freedom train" escape from Czechoslovakia, get ready to inform their countrymen still behind the Iron Curtain that "unbearable" conditions spurred their flight to the West and to freedom. The balloons that they hope will carry their message, printed two and one-half million copies, are being launched from a secret point five miles from the Czech frontier.

Radio Free Europe recorded the balloon launching. As Konvalinka launched his first balloon at approximately 2 a.m., he said, “I am happy to know that these messages will reach my friends.” Truxa said, “We would prefer to send you freedom instead of freedom balloons. That the time will come when that is possible.”

With assistance of the American Fund for Czechoslovak Refugees (AFCR), the families settled in New Jersey, where the two men were given jobs at the Lionel Electric Train (model) factory. Their story along with a photograph appeared in some newspapers in the United States. Konvalinka was given the sobriquet “Freedom’s Casey Jones and Czech Casey Jones.”

One American newspaper advertisement that day carried an advertisement in support of the Crusade for Freedom: “Americans! A Call to Aid Our Country! Help Our Country Win the Cold War and Defeat Communistic Russia and Her Satellites’ Attack Upon Freedom and Thus Avoid the Unleashing of a ‘Hot War” Upon Our Nation and the Freedom Loving World.

Newspapers in the United States reported the text of Konvalinka’s balloon message to Czechoslovakia, with slight variations:

Dear people at home, please don't believe anybody who tried to link our escape with American agents. It is only a lie of many lies spread by the communists. Truxa and I alone made the plan and carried it out because the conditions at 'home were unbearable. The communists' have undertaken the most insane attempt to hide the truth and are making up fantastic stories involving terrorists and foreign agents.

The leaflets also contained this message from the Free Europe Press:

We are coming to you from the free sky again to tell you the truth about the escape of the Czech train…Mr. Konvalinka, Mr. Truxa, and Dr. Svec had planned the escape for months. It was a careful plan, and it involved risks. They moved cautiously, waiting for the right moment.

The feeling of all those who escaped is summed up in what one young mechanic said in a message over Radio Free Europe: ‘In Czechoslovakia we felt we were always being shadowed. This and the lack of freedom were the reasons for our flight.’ His wife added: ‘I don’t want my children to grow up slaves. We are ready to go anywhere people can live their own  lives.’
                                                               
(signed) ‘Winds of Freedom

There was extensive media coverage in the United States on the escape. For example, Time magazine published details of the train escape in the September 24, 1951 issue entitled “Comrade Beb Takes a Trip”:

As the Asch Express pulled out of Prague's Woodrow Wilson Station at 9:55 one morning last week, Conductor August Beb. his paunch taut but official in his brass-buttoned uniform, walked slowly through the train to see that all was in order. His train was not a big one: a baggage car and three coaches with 100-odd passengers. And there were two baskets of fruit he was supposed to deliver at the Asch station. For a veteran Communist who had spent years studying Marxism, the run was not much to look forward to...

Karel Truxa, a husky railroader, got on. Two years ago he had been stationmaster at Asch, a mile from the German border. The Communists had found two men hiding in his house "without documents," and Truxa spent five months in a concentration camp. Now he had only a small job at the station in Eger (Cheb).As he sat down in his third-class compartment on the Asch Express. Truxa carefully patted his pocket to make sure his pistol was still there.

There were other passengers that Conductor Beb might have been interested in. At Eger, Truxa's wife got on. He pretended not to know her. At other stops along the line, more people boarded the train, including the wife and children of Engineer Jaroslav Konvalinka, up ahead in the cab. Some of the new passengers seemed nervous. Two or three sat down in Truxa's compartment, others near by. A few, as if by accident, sat down near the hand brake

The train lurched through the Asch station and raced on through the crowded freight yards. Comrade Conductor Beb rushed for the emergency brake and pulled it. Nothing happened: Engineer Konvalinka had done his job well. Beb ran to one of the hand brakes, but the tight-lipped men who had been watching the brakes elbowed him away.

At the tiny town of Wildenau, half a mile inside Germany, the train panted to a stop. Conductor Beb jumped out and ran toward the locomotive, screaming insults. Said Konvalinka evenly: "You've got nothing more to tell me."

The September 24, 1951, edition of Life magazine carried a photo essay, including a photograph of unhappy train conductor August Beb, entitled, ‘A Red Train Jumps Off Party Line.”

State Department Answers Protest Note

On October 1, 1951, the American Embassy in Prague, sent the official reply to the Czechoslovakian Foreign Ministry, which, in part, read:

The ministry's note employs this fiction apparently with the purpose to conceal, if possible, the fact that the direction and departure of the train from Czechoslovakia was an unaided undertaking of certain citizens of that country who adopted this somewhat unconventional method of leaving the country and simultaneously indicated their attitude.

According to such information as has come to the knowledge of the United States Government, recent departures from Czechoslovakia have been effected among other means by such vehicles as bicycles, automobiles and trucks, as well as a considerable assortment of air-planes and even a glider whereof the train is merely the latest and largest conveyance to be employed.

Windborne Message

On October 8, 1951, Time magazine reported on the balloon launchings and Radio Free Europe under the rubric “Windborne Message” and gave details of the train episode, but the message in the leaflet as reported by Time and the spellings of the train’s engineer differed from the text in the telegram from the State Department to the US Ambassador in Prague:

Over hilly Sudetenland and the spires of Prague, thousands of white paper   leaflets fluttered down. Each night for four nights 2,000 plastic balloons spilled out 2,000,000 leaflets. That was the way the people of Red Czechoslovakia got the real story last week of how Locomotive Engineer Jaroslav Konvalinka raced his Prague-Asch "freedom train" across the Czech border into Germany (TIME, Sept. 24).

Konvalinka himself helped the West's new private and enterprising propaganda agency, Winds of Freedom, * launch its balloons at the German town of Selb, where the train, with 108 people aboard, had ended its escapade. The leaflets carried pictures of Konvalinka, the train, and a group of 18 of the 31 Czechs who did not go back to Czechoslovakia.

They also carried a message from Konvalinka scotching the Reds' late, lame explanation that the train had been "kidnapped by U.S agents." Wrote Konvalinka: "My countrymen, I beg you not to believe Americans were involved. It is just one more of the many lies ... No, there were no terrorists, no secret foreign plot. The only terrorists are the Communists; the only foreigners are those from Russia. 

Harold Stassen, the 1951 Crusade for Freedom campaign chairman, told the press, “The Communists have concocted a wholly false version of the escape and are pumping it out over their controlled press and radio.” Chairman Stassen also sent out telegraph messages to the Crusade state chairman that were in turn given to local newspapers:

One of the passengers aboard the runaway Czechoslovak train had with him several letters for Radio Free Europe, which had been given to him by   Prague listeners.  He said it was primarily through Radio Free Europe Broadcasts that he finally decided to escape the country. As a special service, Radio Free Europe has been broadcasting personal messages from   all passengers to their relatives and friends in Czechoslovakia.

One American newspaper carried the headline, “Freedom Balloons Carry True Story of Train Escape.  This is another Crusade for Freedom Method of Broadcast.”

One American military newspaper reportred: 

The entire group of passengers spent a night and a day as guests of Grafenwohr Sub-Post where they were afforded a glimpse of living conditions outside the Iron Curtain. They were given three excellent meals, furnished sleeping quarters, toilet articles, and plenty of hot water. They also had the use of Special Services athletic and entertainment equipment to while away the time waiting for their return to their homeland. 
By the time the arrangements were made for the return, the group deciding to stay had in- creased to 34, including several children.
The returnees were taken to the border in Army buses after expressing their thanks for their treatment here. 

Television Docudrama

 

(Extract of 1977 CBS Program "When Television was Young")

On Tuesday night, October 23, at 9:30 p.m., television viewers tuned into the CBS network watched a 30 minute drama in the “Suspense” series that was entitled “The Train from Czechoslovakia.” Actor Richard Kiley played the role of Jaroslav Konvalinka and John McGovern played that of Karel Truxa. The television drama began by quoting a RFE message translated into English:

This is Radio Free Europe, the Voice of Free Czechoslovakia, bringing from our station in Munich, message of hope to out fellow Czechoslovakians imprisoned in their homeland behind the Iron Curtain.

At the program’s commercial break, Royce G. Martin, President of Auto-Lite, the sponsor of the program, and General Lucius Clay, appeared on the television screen, with a copy of the 1951 Crusade for Freedom poster in the background. Martin introduced Clay, who said: “Well, it was last year’s Crusade that built the powerful Munich radio station of Radio Free Europe. That is what the Crusade for Freedom is now doing, a voice which each day penetrates deeper through the Iron Curtain.”

Rex Marshall, the narrator of the television program finished the television program with this advice: "Gentlemen, you can join the 1951 Crusade for Freedom by sending your contribution, large or small, to General Lucius D. Clay. Remember you can help fight Communism by joining the Crusade for Freedom."

Eleven of the passengers, including the Trobl family, were granted political asylum in Canada and had arrived there on October 24, 1951. On November 19, 1951, Konvalinka, Truxa, and their families, arrived at Idelwild airport in New York, where Lawrence Cohen, president of the Lionel Electric Train Corporation, met them. There was widespread newspaper coverage of their arrival in the US. 

The December 3, 1951, issue of Life magazine carried a photo of Truxa, Konvalinka, his wife and their two children at the Lionel factory looking at a model railroad tabletop display. Afterwards, the two men were sent on a 14-state journey to tell their escape story in support of the Crusade for Freedom campaign for Radio Free Europe.

The February 1952 issue of The American Magazine had a front-page story entitled “We stole a Train for Freedom,” written by Konvalinka and Truxa, that was later printed in Reader’s Digest in May 1952. The name of the train conductor was now written as “Alois Bohn, a paunchy, ardent Communist.” In this article, the men listed the reasons why they decided to escape with their families, including:

·      We were sick and tired of being pushed around, spied upon, and watched. 
·      Instead of a worker’s paradise, we found our working conditions getting worse and worse.
·      We couldn’t feed and clothe our families under Communism.
·      We were frightened by what the Communists were trying to do to our children.

Internal Czechoslovakia Developments, Akcia "Selb"

After the return of the 77 persons, who did not remain in the West, Czechoslovak authorities began an investigation into the escape and those who either knew about it or were actively involved. The investigation was given the code name "Operation Selb" (Akcia "Selb). In total, 171 persons were reportedly investigated.  

In October 1951, Radio Free Europe learned from a "fairly reliable" source that at least three families were forced to write letters to the Czech Minister of Interior requesting "the immediate return" of their family members, who were "being held in Germany against their will." This was in keeping with the official Czech line that "Freedom Train" passengers still in Germany had been kidnapped. 

16-year-old Zdenka Hyblova was one of those who returned to Czechoslovakia. A few weeks later, she, with her friends 18-years-old Milena Poláčková and 16-years-old Kamil Kvapil, made a successful escape back into West Germany. She later said that StB officers questioned her and other returnees from the train. Some of the questions included: “You were beaten in Germany, weren’t you? You had nothing to eat, didn’t you? Did the Americans used force to keep some of the passengers in Germany? How did the Americans behave themselves with girls?”  

Zdenka Hyblova's story appeared in Time magazine on October 22, 1951, (Czechoslovakia: A Pact with Pavel) and newspapers in the US. She was allowed to remain in West Germany and later worked as a speaker and script writer on a  freelance basis for the Czech Desk of Radio Free Europe in Munich in the mid-1950s. She married Peter Hruby of RFE's Czech Desk in 1953 and they emigrated to the U.S. in 1957. Zdenka Hyblova eventually earned a Master's in Fine Arts (MFA) in Poetry degree from Sarah Lawrence College. New Rivers Press published her short stories and her poetry was published in Blueline and The Paris ReviewShe also worked as a contributing editor for Spotlight Magazine, and published with Condé Nast, the Gannett newspapers, and Parade Magazine.  

In October 1951, Radio Free Europe learned from a "fairly reliable" source that at least three families were forced to write letters to the Czech Minister of Interior requesting "the immediate return" of their family members, who were "being held in Germany against their will." This was in keeping with the official Czech line that "Freedom Train" passengers still in Germany had been kidnapped.  

Show Trial

In January 1953, there was a three-day show trial in Karlovy Vary, after which “a group of American agents and spies” were found guilty in the escape plot and sentenced to prison. One man was sentenced to death, later commuted to life imprisonment; he was released from prison in the 1960s.

Jaroslav Konvalinka later told reporters in the U.S., 

We do not know these people nor have we ever known them and to our recollection we have never had any contact with them. They are certainly not guilty of helping us in the train escape. It was our own idea and we executed it ourselves. The first contact we had with American agents was after we had crossed the border in the free American section of Germany.




  

September 06, 2018

The Freedom Bell in Berlin ©

  
Below is a summary history of the Freedom Bell (sometimes called The World Freedom Bell), rang out for the first time in West Berlin before an estimated crowd of 400,000 on October 24, 1950. The Freedom Bell, based on the Liberty Bell that is housed in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, was the logo or symbol for the Crusade for Freedom and for Radio Free Europe.

At the request of the National Committee for Free Europe (NCFE), the public relations company John Price Jones wrote a plan in late 1949 that called for a symbol to be used in the proposed upcoming fundraising campaign in 1950—the Crusade for Freedom. In January 1950, DeWitt Poole of NCFE called his friend Harry Bullis, then Chairman of General Mills Corporation in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and asked him for assistance in fulfilling the fund-raising plan. Bullis agreed and contacted Abbott Washburn, World War II Office of Strategic Services (OSS) veteran and public relations expert at the General Mills Corporation, who consented to cooperate with the fledgling Crusade for Freedom team.

Washburn and his colleague Nathan Crabtree also came up with the idea of the symbol for the Crusade: a Freedom Bell, based on the famous Liberty Bell, housed in Independence Hall in Philadelphia, which also happened to be the logo or seal of the NCFE in 1949. 

New York industrial designer Walter Dorwin Teague designed the ten-ton bell, which had a laurel wreath symbolizing peace encircling the top and a frieze of five figures representing the five races of humankind passing the torch of freedom. Teague decided on the inscription in classic Roman letters, based on a statement by Abraham Lincoln, “That this world Under God shall have a new birth of freedom.” 

On May 1, 1950, the Crusade for Freedom’s Campaign Letter Number One was sent to the regional and state Chairmen in the United States, under General Clay’s name, with details of the bell symbol:

Compelling symbol of the Crusade will be a great new Freedom Bell … Throughout history the struggle toward human freedom has been one of the noblest achievements of man. The Freedom Bell will become a permanent memorial to all the men and women, of all periods, who gave their lives to the cause of freedom.

The first clap of the Freedom Bell will be carried to the peoples of the earth by the most extensive network of radio power ever assembled -- spearheaded by Radio Free Europe. Simultaneously, bells will ring out all over America: church bells, city hall bells, school bells.

The bell was cast on July 27, 1950, at the British foundry of Gillett and Johnston in Croydon, England. 

On September 6, 1950, it arrived in New York City and two days later it was the centerpiece of a large parade in Manhattan. During the First Crusade for Freedom’s publicity trip, the Freedom Bell was placed on a large flatbed truck and transported by truck and a “Freedom Train” to 26 major cities in the United States.

On September 16, 1950, two thousand persons in Denver, Colorado, went to see the Freedom Bell that had arrived on a flatbed truck from Kansas City, Missouri. The Freedom Bell was on display for two hours before heading off to Salt Lake City, Utah. One of the speakers during the short stop-over in Denver was future United States President Dwight Eisenhower, who in his remarks said, “Since the beginning of our republic, a bell has been a symbol of liberty and freedom. The Freedom Bell is designed to spread the truth about America. Every time the bell tolls, we hope new facts and new understandings will go out to the world.”

More than I6 million Americans eventually joined the Crusade for Freedom by signing the Freedom Scroll, which read:
  •  I believe in the sacredness and dignity of the individual.
  • I believe that all men derive the right to freedom equally from God.
  • I pledge to resist aggression and tyranny wherever they appear on earth.
  • I am proud to enlist in the Crusade for Freedom.
  • I am proud to help make the freedom Bell possible, 
  • To be a signer of this Declaration of Freedom,
  • To have my name included as a permanent part of the Freedom Shrine in Berlin, and to join with the millions of men and women throughout the world who hold the cause of freedom sacred.
The Freedom Bell returned to New York City on October 8, 1950, and preparations were made for its departure to Schöneberg City Hall in West Berlin. The Freedom Bell was unloaded at Bremerhaven, Germany, and then delivered to the Schoenberg Town Hall in Berlin’s American-controlled Sector, where it arrived on October 21, 1950. General Clay arrived the next day. Abbott Washington, who with Nate Crabtree came up with the idea of the Freedom Bell, was in the group that accompanied Clay.

It was officially dedicated with extensive media coverage at the Schöneberg Town Hall (site of John F. Kennedy’s famous Berlin speech) before hundreds of thousands of Berliners on October 24, 1950. General Clay dedicated the Freedom Bell as it rang out for the first time shortly afternoon. His speech was broadcast around the world, including into East Europe over Radio Free Europe. Prominently situated in front of Clay as he spoke with microphones from the radio stations RIAS (Radio in the American Sector) and Radio Free Europe:


Clay pushed the button that was supposed to electronically ring the bell, but a fuse blew and it had to be started by someone physically pushing it in the belfry.

Every Sunday at 11:59am, the pealing of the bell is still heard throughout Germany via radio stations of the  Deutschlandradio Kultur network, with a German translation of the first three sentences of the Freedom Scroll. 

Listen to the Freedom Bell and the German text:



The “Freedom Scrolls” are still enshrined in the vault at the base of the belfry of the Town Hall. Visitors to the building can readily see the envelopes and packages containing the scrolls through the vault’s glass door. 

For more information:

Nate Crabtree. The Story of the World Freedom Bell, Minneapolis, The Nate Crabtree Company, 1951.

Veronika Liebau and Andreas Daum. The Freedom Bell in Berlin / Die Freiheitsglocke in Berlin. Berlin: Jaron, 2000.

August 21, 2018

RFE’s Ionel Corniiu (Cornel) Chiriac (1942-1975): The Tragic Life and Death of a Murdered Romanian Disc Jockey ©

As the story goes, on August 21, 1968, a popular, young disc jockey at Radio Bucharest emotionally reacted to the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia by surreptitiously inserting a recording of the Beetle’s song “Back in the USRR” in his playlist -- all music broadcast over Radio Bucharest had to be cleared by a censor in advance. By playing this song, the disc jockey was fired. Some months later, he escaped Romania, eventually joined Radio Free Europe and became one of RFE’s most famous disc jockeys, playing jazz and pop music back to his homeland.

Below we will briefly look at the life and death of this iconic Romanian disc jockey.

Ionel Corneliu (Cornel) Chiriac was born in Uspenka, Bessarabia, on May 9, 1942. He and his family moved to Pitesti, Romania, where he attended public school. In 1962, he moved to Bucharest and for three years studied Romanian Grammar and Languages at the Pedagological Institute.

Reportedly, when he was 12 years old, he first heard jazz music played by legendary disc jockey Willis Conover over Voice of America short-wave broadcasts. The influence was so strong that on his application for employment with Radio Free Europe, he gave Willis Conover as one of his references.

Jazz was forbidden music in the 1950s in Romania. By the early 1960s, jazz was no longer forbidden and in 1963, Chiriac became the first disc jockey to play jazz over the radio. Jazz clubs sprang up in Bucharest and Chiriac would play music and participate in discussion groups about jazz.

By the middle of the 1960s, pop/rock music was gaining popularity in Romania and Chiriac was Radio Bucharest’s first pop/music disc jockey. His program was called Metronom and was heard at 5:15 pm to 6 pm. He was able to get records from the American Embassy and due to his good knowledge of English, translated the lyrics into Romanian for his listeners. (On his 1969 employment application for RFE, he listed three American Embassy persons at the American Embassy in Bucharest.)

For the first time, young Romanian listeners had a contrast  of freedom to Communist propaganda. This brought him into conflict with the censors but apparently not enough to cause his termination.  

In the summer of 1968, his radio show was called Metronom 68 and was heard live daily from Hotel Flora in Mamala on the Black Sea. Chiriac would afterwards meet his listeners and they would drink and discuss music throughout the night. 

After the invasion of Czechoslovakia, there was censorship of texts and less Western pop/rock music played over Radio Bucharest. His show was canceled and jazz music reintroduced.  Chiriac learned of a jazz congress in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia and made an application to attend.  He used the services of a famous graphic artist Zica Barol to change the title of the application to Bratislava and Austria. Chiriac then received official permission to travel to Bratislava and Austria. He traveled with a group of 40 others to Bratislava, attended the jazz congress and took a train to Austria, where he applied for political asylum and was sent to a refugee camp in Traiskirchen.

Chiriac then wrote a letter to Radio Free Europe in March 1969, in which he complained that RFE did not broadcast to the youth of Romania and he would gladly go to Munich and present a music program. At that time, pop music was not broadcast in the belief that the acoustics of short wave were not favorable to such music.  The Romanian Broadcast Service director Noel Bernard read the letter and decided to send one of the younger staff members Max Banush to Austria to meet Chiriac and make an assessment of his possible use by RFE. 

Banush fouind him at the refugee camp and after an interview decided he would be right for the RFE broadcasts to the young generation. Chiriac’s application for asylum was still pending and he could not leave Austria. Banush decided to take Chiriac to Germany without permission of the Austrians government. At night and in the rain they drove to the border and Chiriac got out of the car before the checkpoint and unseen crossed over the border to Germany. Banush then passed through the border control and tried to find Chiriac. After at least one hour, he found Chiriac soaked to the skin from the rain and they drove on to Munich.

On June 2, 1969, Cornel Chiriac broadcast his first daily Radio Free Program, “Metronom 69.”  Even with the poor quality of the program due to short wave transmissions, “Metronom 69” became a big hit with the youth of Romania. Hundred of listeners anonymously monthly sent letters to Chiriac showing RFE management how big an impact pop/rock music could have. Many letters complained about political conditions of the youth, their problems in schools, etc. In addition to playing music, he read excerpts of the letters during his program. Listeners throughout Romania then realized that their problems were not unique but were the same through the country—this was a threat to the Communist monopoly of information in Romania and the cult of personality of Nicolae Ceausescu. A domestic Romanian intelligence report written in 1970 showed the impact of Chiriac’s programs: 

Lately there is an increase in programs by the radio station "Radio Free Europe" that have hostile influences on our youth. Interest of young people was stimulated by the new program, titled "Metronome", commented by the fugitive Cornel Chiriac, which not only is trying to influence listeners, but also incite them to acts inimical to our Party and state policy.

Unfortunately, the Romanian secret police (Securitate) began looking for the senders of some intercepted letters addressed to Chiriac. Those who were discovered were arrested, put on trial, and sent to prison for “anti-Communist behavior.”

Music was Cornerl Chiriac’s life in Munich. He had few friends and was homesick for Romania. He began drinking heavily, had an automobile accident while drunk, paid a fine, and lost his driver’s license for a year. In December 1970, he was so drunk he damaged his office and was reprimanded. He then wrote a letter of apology to the director of RFE, in which he wrote, “If there is any excuse it is that my roots are still in Romania and that although two years have passed since my defection I find it difficult to find a balance in a country with which I feel little in common. That is why at times, to my dismay, I am my own worst enemy.”  For the next three years, he worked at RFE without further problems.

After his death, a RFE program in tribute to him contained this passage: “Somewhere in his soul, Cornel could not get reconciled with his thought that, while hundreds of thousands, if not millions of youths in Romania adored him, here in Munich, he was just someone.” 

Cornel Chiriac’s last program “Metronom 75” was aired on March 4, 1975. Afterwards, he went from restaurant to restaurant in Munich as was his want, meeting visitors from Romania and seeking good conversation. At about midnight, he met a young German in a one restaurant. They left together. That was the last time Chiriac was seen alive. At about 1 AM, his body was discovered next to his car. He had been stabbed 12 times in the chest.  A few days later, 17-year old Mario Grop was arrested and charged with manslaughter. He denied any political reason for killing Chiriac. Grop was known as a small-time criminal and was identified by a witness in the restaurant by his photo in the police files. The true motive for the murder was not discovered and police theorized that it was armed robbery only. There was wide newspaper coverage of the murder, including newspapers in Munich, Die Welt, and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.

One can draw the conclusion that the murder of Cornel Chiriac in March 1975 was political and not a robbery attempt: these are some of the incidents of Romanian hostile actions against RFE and its Romanian staff,   
  • 1975 was a turning point in Romania’s reaction to RFE programs: for the first time in a 2-½ year hiatus, Romania renewed media attacks on RFE. 
  • Emil Georgescu, another popular RFE broadcaster, was the victim of automobile accident in 1976, and, received many threatening letters afterwards, and there was an attempted murder in July 1981, during which he was stabbed over 25 times in the chest. 
  • Book bombs were sent to RFE freelancers in 1981 in Paris and Germany, injuring two. 
  • And RFE itself in February was the target of a bomb attack by the terrorist known as Carlos the Jackal, in cooperation with Romania.
In an article for RFE/RL, “Memories of a Romanian Icon,” Eugen Tomiuc wrote,

The regime feared him. His shows were never about music alone. They were about liberty, oppression, politics, dictatorship -- and music. Perhaps he had become too popular and influential among Romanian youths.

In the days after Chiriac's death, my friends and I discreetly wore black bands on the lapels of our school uniforms. When asked whether someone close had died, we would all reply, "Yes, a very good friend." Many Romanian youths made the same gesture. While other RFE journalists had been targeted or even killed by the Securitate, it was Chiriac's death that hit closest to home -- for he was one of us.

Cornel Chirac was cremated with his ashes returned to Romania. His grave in the Reinvierea cemetery in Bucharest has in someways attained the same status as that of one of his music idols Jim Morrison of the popular rock group The Doors in Paris – devoted fans visit to pay tribute, leave flowers, and notes to him. On the gravestone is a copy of his photograph in the studio at Radio Free Europe.


For more information, visit 


For those who understand German (there is some English, too), an excellent 2009 (repeated in 2018) radio program “Lost in Music – Die Cornel Chiriac Story” with music and excerpts from Chiriac’s programs can be heard at


There are many excerpts from his RFE programs to be heard on youtube.  One of good quality, for example, his Chiriac’s tribute to Jim Morrison of the group The Doors. 


There is a Facebook page “in Memoriam Cornel Chiriac” at


And in Romanian, the home page devoted to Cornel Chiriac is













August 18, 2018

Radio Free Europe Operating in a Safe Mode: Lessons Learned from Hungary 1956 to Czechoslovakia 1968 ©

The USSR-led military operation using cryptonym “Danube” began at 23:00, August 20, 1968, when hundreds of thousands of soldiers using thousands of tanks, trucks, and other vehicles, plus airplanes, invaded Czechoslovakia putting an end to the short-lived freedoms known as “Prague Spring.” 

Almost immediately, the battle for men’s minds using radio began. Radio Free Europe went on an emergency broadcast basis in the early morning hours of August 21, 1968, that lasted to September 5, 1968. The emergency contingency planning sessions that took place in July foresaw twenty-four-hour continuous news, commentary, and extraordinary American management tight control of program content. They had used the events surrounding the 1956 Hungarian Revolution as a “lessons learned exercise.

The actual date and time of the Soviet-led invasion caught Radio Free Europe off-guard as many of its top managers were on vacation and had to be recalled. Even the Free Europe Committee President, William Durkee, was in Spain and had to fly back to New York, where he was based. A policy task force was set up in the RFE Central News Room, with a 24-hour management presence for control and guidance. All information fed to programming departments (BD) was screened for content, any of which was objectionable, and/or alarmist information was either eliminated on identified as “Background Information Only” (BIO). All program scripts devoted to Czechoslovakia were reviewed for approval, or not, by the American policy staff.

“Background Information Only” material i.e., not for broadcasting, included:

  • All names of traitors and collaborators
  • Alarmist reports of upcoming KGB arrests or Czechoslovak intellectuals. All mentions of the names of those arrested or about to be arrested.
  • All Czechoslovak clandestine radio reports (and subsequent Western media pick-up of these reports) of the rejections of the Czechoslovak-Soviet Moscow agreement 
  • All references to calls for a neutralist policy of Czechoslovakia.
  • Alarmist reports of possible Soviet invasion of Romania or Yugoslavia.
  • Alarmist reports of the current danger of World nuclear war.
  • Reports on, or anything, which might be interpreted as encouraging resistance by Czechoslovaks, unless this clearly qualified as a passive resistance.
  • Any material which, by any stretch of the imagination, could have been interpreted or understood by RFE’s listeners as a hint that the U.S. or the West would intervene militarily to alter the situation in Czechoslovakia or to prevent Soviet action against Romania.
  • All but moderate, factual, and limited reports on the presence and fate of Czechoslovak refugees in the West. While reporting official western government statements, we were are careful as we could be in order to avoid giving the impression of encouraging defections.

Normal broadcasting was altered by all Broadcast Departments; popular music was eliminated and services consisted primarily of serious music, news, and information, plus whatever commentaries were believed essential. The commentaries were reviewed in English translation prior to their being broadcast.

Arrangements were made to keep all the language services on the air 24 hours a day. This meant a reduction in normal transmitter strength to Poland and Hungary, giving allowing for full coverage to Bulgaria and Romania.  

No news items on Czechoslovak subjects were issued prior to clearance by top management. The intention was to keep tight control, even if from time to time clearance procedures might have caused slight delays in news programming.

In the afternoon of August 21, 1968, RFE sent two teams of journalists to the border points Germany-Czechoslovakia and Austria-Czechoslovakia. The teams were under “rigid instructions” not to enter Czechoslovakia under any circumstances – teams of RFE personnel had entered Hungary in 1956 and some were even detained by Soviet troops. The teams also were under instruction, “To find out what is going on, behave as normal journalists and in no way push themselves off as representatives of RFE.” After their arrivals, the teams announced that there was no evidence of mass flights of refugees across the borders. 

On August 23, 1968, RFE sent a mobile monitoring and recording team to the German-Czech border to monitor the low-powered local radio stations that sprang up after the invasion. This team augmented the large RFE monitoring station outside Munich at Schleissheim. The purpose of the team, which was told to be inconspicuous, was, “To get the best possible coverage of remaining Czechoslovak radio stations and any new clandestine broadcasting, which develops.” Although RFE also had monitoring stations in then West Berlin, Vienna, and Thessaloniki to monitor RFE transmitter strength and quality, they also could have been used to monitor Czechoslovak radio broadcasts, but there is no record that they were used that way.

RFE saw its role in the crisis as a watchful observer, commentator, and cross-reporter. Soon after the invasion, Soviet and other East European communist media began to develop a pattern of attack similar to that mounted around the 1956 Hungarian events. A major effort in this connection was the attempt to link RFE directly with the clandestine or free Czechoslovak radios still operating. It was claimed that RFE directed the activities of these stations, counter-revolutionaries, etc. 

On August 23, 1968, RFE withdrew the news team from the Austrian-Czech border, as refugee flow simply did not occur. The German border team under Bill Marsh remained a few days, in case the flow of refugees increased. It did not; eventually, this team returned to Munich.

Although the Bavarian government set up a fund to financially help Czechoslovaks who were unable to return to their county, RFE set up its own “carefully administered” fund to help those in need and wanted to contact Bavarian government officials.

Radio Free Europe’s Audience in Czechoslovakia prior to and including the invasion in percent of adults as listeners:

1966               1967 –             Late Spring      Aug 1 – 21      Post
Early 1968      1968                1968                Invasion

46%                 51%                 45%                 34%                 71%

As Radio Prague’s freedom further increased, RFE’s audience went down. This was clearly demonstrated by the downward trend in listenership size between 1967 and August 1968. Since RFE’s aimed to contribute to the development of free communications media in its broadcasting area, RFE had come close to fulfilling its mission in Czechoslovakia. Therefore, the drop in RFE’s Czech and Slovak audience was expected and constituted success rather than failure.

The careful planning and execution of RFE’S crisis response activities paid off:  famed Czech writer Milan Kundera, for example, said at the time that he was, “Very impressed by the programs because of their restraint, accuracy, and objectivity, and because of the wise and ‘statesmanlike’ tone and standpoint expressed in some of its commentaries… this appreciation is shared by other writers, as well as by television and radio workers.”



Photographs courtesy of RFE/RL