May 26, 2021

PYREX: Greece-based CIA clandestine radio broadcasts to Ukraine in the early Cold War ©

The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) clandestine broadcasts from Greece were initially via two or three mobile units close to the Bulgarian border. In Spring 1950, the Greek government gave CIA approval for the construction of a permanent communications installation near Athens for psychological warfare broadcasting -- the installation for transmitting and monitoring gained the cryptonym WEMCA, with a broadcasting operation of up to nine language units known as PYREX.  In addition to clandestine radio broadcasts, the PYREX site would also be used in balloon/propaganda leaflet operations against Albania and Bulgaria.

 

One example of the clandestine broadcasts from PYREX is that for Ukraine: Novaya Ukraina(New Ukraine). The objective of the clandestine radio project with the cryptonym RANTER were listed in a July 21, 1953 project outline: utilization of broadcast time available on the KUBARK (CIA) radio installation PYREX at Athens, Greece, for the broadcast of a series of programs to be directed to

 

·      Soviet officialdom, 

·      Soviet military forces stationed in the Ukraine, 

·      The indigenous civilian population of the Ukraine, 

·      Underground movement, 

·      Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). 

 

   The tasks of the project were to: 

 

·      Furnish evidence of outside sympathy and understanding for the Ukrainian peoples. 

·      Intensify anti-regime disaffection by encouraging resentment, bitterness, and distrust of the Soviet regime and its personalities. 

·      Maintain national consciousness among the Ukrainians and urge them to maintain pride in the individuality and heritage of their culture. 

·      Create dissatisfaction among Ukrainian military personnel within the Soviet armed forces stationed in Ukraine. 

·      Create and intensify dissatisfaction among the Ukrainian civil authorities to the Soviet regime. The submitting division gave the following as why the black broadcasts were necessary: This project is based upon the need to make a more significant propaganda impact on this strategic target audience. At present, the only PBPRIME (United States, i.e., Voice of America) and KUBARK (CIA) propaganda efforts directed to the target area consist of Voice of America broadcasts and the Radio Liberation effort to the Kiev area in the Russian language.

 

The July 1953 project outline also listed the method of preparing the broadcasts: 


·      Scripts and tapes to be prepared by a CIA covert operation in New York City: Prolog Research and Publishing Association, Inc (CIA Cryptonyms QRTENURE and AETENURE)

 

·      It is proposed that programs in the Ukrainian language be produced and recorded on magnetic tape in New York and flown to Athens for broadcast by personnel attached to PYREX. It is realized that programming from this distance is not as efficient and timely as it would be if located nearer the transmitter. However, this is the only means at present whereby immediate advantage can be taken of the PYREX facility. When future operation conditions permit the programming to be prepared closer to the transmitter site, this project's program activities will be transferred accordingly. At first three tapes a week for fifteen minutes each broadcast time will be prepared. With the increase in script output and availability of air time, the broadcasts can be expanded.

 

There were many difficulties in getting programs on the air. The first broadcast of radio Novaya Ukraina was made on September 25, 1955, with one 15-minute transmission daily. This later was increased to two scheduled broadcasts daily, which used two transmitter hours per day or 60 hours per month.  

 

Full details of CIA’s clandestine broadcasting to Ukraine and other countries from Greece can be found here:

 


 

·      Bulgaria (Chapter 4), 

·      Romania (Chapter 4), 

·      Albania (Chapter 5),

·      Ukraine (Chapter 7), and 

·      The Soviet Union, in Russian and some Caucasus languages (Chapter 8). 

Origins of early Cold War CIA clandestine or “black” radio broadcasts over Radio Nacional de España in Madrid, Spain, in Belarusian, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, and Russian ©


The first psychological warfare project of CIA's Special Procedures Group (SPG) was UMPIRE, which provided for the production and dissemination of covert propaganda against the Soviet Union and East European countries behind the Iron Curtain using radio broadcasts and printed material. 
The Special Procedures Group became the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) in August 1948, taking over the SPG projects, including UMPIRE. The project designation was later changed on December 1, 1948, to EDUCATOR and then QKDEMON. 


In 1949, officers of the  Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) began discussing the use of Radio Nacional de España (RNE) as a tool in the psychological warfare campaign against the USSR. An “official dispatch” OPC message dated May 30, 1949, on the subject Radio Nacional Propaganda Broadcasts contained the outline of how to use RNE:


[W]e have studied the matter not only in regard to the immediate problem of applying background material but also relative to the larger, long range possibility of utilizing Radio Nacional as a channel for operational broadcasts, to which EDUCATOR creative personnel in Germany might contribute both program material as well as programs themselves, including possibly special recordings. 


Information here indicates that Madrid is heard reasonably well in satellite areas. If the Spanish Government, through proper covert arrangements, is willing to place the facilities and broadcast time of the station as the disposal of (redacted), this would clearly open up the possibility of using Madrid as an operational outlet for broadcasts, whether sponsored by or accordingly produced by the U.S. Government. 


Assuming the broadcasts can be heard satisfactorily in the target areas and time and facilities could be made available to (redacted), it would seem there are four problems to be met: 

a.     Cover for the operation. 

b.     Policy control. 

c.     Type of broadcasts in relation to audience reaction. 

d.     A competent production organization. 


In regard to (a) above, through negotiations with the proper Spanish Government levels, I should think a suitable operational cover could be arranged--as, for example, the Spanish Government, in its desire to oppose religious persecutions in satellite countries, has accorded broadcasting time to refugee Catholic groups in Spain in order to permit them to talk to their fellow countrymen. 

In regard to (b) above, periodic policy guidance from the home office, together with a close monitoring watch over the broadcasts, should provide adequate policy control, especially if the cover and security of the operation are well maintained and the U.S. Government is not linked in any way with the broadcasts.


CIA eventually supported and financed RNE broadcasts in Belarusian, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, and Russian. More information and full details of CIA clandestine broadcasting over Radio Nacional de España can be found here:

 






 

 

 

April 29, 2021

Radio Free Europe began broadcasting from Munich on May 1, 1951©


The new Radio Free Europe medium-wave transmitter was dedicated to Munich's Bayerische Hof Hotel on May 1, 1951, at 10 a.m. Ferdinand Peroutka, a Czech journalist, who had been imprisoned in the Nazi prison camps Dachau and Buchenwald, fled Czechoslovakia in 1948 to the United States. Peroutka, who helped found the Council of Free Czechoslovakia. He read the following message to those in attendance:

The Communist government in our country is the biggest attempt that has ever been undertaken to turn things upside down to deprive words of their meaning. Jailers sing songs of freedom, and officials of the secret police lecture on humanity. The loss of freedom is officially called independence in our country, aggression is called peace action, plunder of the country 'benefits', forced exports to Russia 'building up of Czechoslovakia', and enslavement of women in heavy industry is called their liberation.

 

We know how much effort the Communists stake on reforming your souls .., But we also know that in the evening, when you return home from the daily drudgery ... between your four walls, you say to yourself: They are telling lies. 


Radio Free Europe began broadcasting to Czechoslovakia, as the Voice of Free Czechoslovakia, on medium wave (am band) frequencies on that day, from the newly constructed transmitter station, nicknamed “Carola” at Holzkirchen – less than 20 miles south of Munich, Germany. Before this, programs were prepared in RFE's New York studios and flown to Germany for broadcasting. 


The new transmitter station had four antenna towers, which reached a height of 400 feet, and, at that time with 135,000 watts of power, was almost three times more powerful than any commercial radio transmitter in the United States. The broadcast schedule was then increased to 12 hours a day to Czechoslovakia. After Holzkirchen, transmitter stations were constructed in Biblis, Germany, and in the town of Gloria, Portugal.

            

The first broadcast from Munich actually began at 5 a.m. on May 1, 1951, and was just music until the first program, read by Czech exile Pavel Tigrid, aired at 11 a.m. from a studio in the RFE building. He said, in part, 

 

Dear Listeners:

 

Today, a terrible enemy rises against all communist informers, agents provocateurs, and stool pigeons, all inhuman guards in prisons and work-camps, all judges and members of communist jurisdiction, all propagandists of communist ideology: Radio Free Europe, who will reveal their names, one by one; all of them will be blacklisted by the democratic world and will be dumped on the rubbish heap of contempt by the Czech and Slovak people.

 

Pavel Tigrid would become the Czech Republic’s first Minister of Culture, after the 1989 Velvet Revolution.  


C.D. Jackson, publisher of Fortune magazine,  as president of the National Committee for a Free Europe (NCFE), gave a speech in front of the new RFE headquarters building under construction. A plaque was unveiled to the invited guests:











March 29, 2021

Cold War Frequencies: CIA Clandestine Radio Broadcasting to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe

 



Now available on Amazon and Barnes & Noble, other internet booksellers, and directly from the publisher: McFarland & Co.  

Here is the table of contents:

Acknowledgments vi
Preface 1
Abbreviations and Acronyms 4
1. Genesis of American Clandestine Cold War Broadcasting 7
2. Radio Free Europe: The American People’s Counter Voice to Communism 21
3. From Radio Liberation to Radio Liberty to RFE/RL 47
4. Clandestine Broadcasts from Greece to Bulgaria and Romania 67
5. A Seaborne CIA Fiasco and the Voice of Free Albania (VOFA) 89
6. Black Radio to the Baltic States from Radio Nacional de EspanÞa (RNE) 108
7. Black Broadcasts to Ukraine from Greece and RNE 137
8. Focus on Russia: Our Russia, Radio Free Russia and TsOPE 151
9. Clandestine Radio to Byelorussia and to Slovakia 176
Conclusion 195
Appendix A: Selected CIA Cryptonyms 197
Appendix B: National Security Council Directive 5412/2 205
Appendix C: Radio Nacional Propaganda Broadcasts 209
Appendix D: Frank Wisner Memorandum, November 22, 1950 211
Appendix E: Extracts from 1953 Jackson Report on Radio Free Europe—National Committee for Free Europe 215
Appendix F: Extracts from 1953 Jackson Report on Radio Liberty 218
Appendix G: Termination of Voice of Free Albania Broadcasts—Termination of HTGRUBBY Broadcasts 221
Appendix H: Personal History of Ferdinand Durčansky 224
Chapter Notes 227
Bibliography 253
Index 257 





February 21, 2021

Carlos the Jackal and The Last Tango in Munich:The Bombing of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, February 21, 1981 ©

 


From the mid-1970s to his overthrow and execution in December 1989, Romanian Dictator Nicolae Ceausescu waged a vengeful war against the Romanian Broadcast Service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in Munich. His regime fought with intimidation, threats, and physical attack; the radios countered with the 'truth' in the programs broadcast to Romania.

Although various soviet bloc intelligence services had planned over the years to bomb the headquarters of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in Munich, there was only one physical attack: the bomb attack on February 21, 1981 --  one of the most politically sensitive yet little-known operations of "Carlos the Jackal." This was his only known American target. Carlos called his terrorist operations Tangos; this would be his Munich Tango.

February 21, 1981, at 9:50 p.m., a massive explosion in the center of Munich was heard throughout the city. A team of four Euro-terrorists, under the direction of the infamous "Carlos the Jackal" in Budapest, had just set off a powerful bomb, estimated to be about 30 pounds (c. 15 kilograms) of the Romanian-made explosive nitropenta.

Just above the area where the terrorists placed the bomb, three employees of RFE/RL's Czechoslovak Broadcast were busily preparing a news program scheduled for 10 p.m. that was never aired. At 9:50 p.m., one employee picked up the ringing telephone and said. "Hello." No one answered. The employee tried again, "Hello." The room exploded into rubble. The time was later confirmed by a German agency to monitor earthquakes; the bombing was so powerful it registered on the equipment. Four Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty employees were seriously injured: Maria Pulda, Rudolf Skukalek, Allan Antalis, Czechoslovak Broadcast Department, and Ingeborg Eberl, telephone operator. Damage to the building exceeded $2,000,000. In the history of the radio stations, this was the only direct attack on the RFE/RL headquarters building.

The bomb's concussion caused extensive damage and terror in the immediate area. Windows were shattered in fifty percent of RFE/RL's offices (more than 170) and in apartment buildings more than one hundred yards (meters) away from RFE/RL.

Glen Ferguson, then president of RFE/RL, sent out a message to the staff. In part, it read, "Four of our employees are injured, our building is damaged, but RFE/RL will continue to be heard."

Major international and West German media covered the Saturday night bomb attack against RFE/RL in the Sunday and Monday editions. West German television and radio began covering the account at 11 p.m. Saturday and continued coverage throughout Sunday and Monday. Soviet and East European media also carried the story starting Sunday morning.

Although the evidence has long been there and the perpetrators identified, no one has been and will most likely never be prosecuted for this terrorist act. Carlos is in jail for two life terms in Paris. Of the four Euro-terrorists in Munich, Johannes Weinrich is in prison for life in Berlin, Bruno Brequet has disappeared (presumed dead), one of the Basque terrorists died in Cuba, and the other was never identified. The Romanian general who ordered the attack died, as did the Romanian intelligence officer who coordinated the attack with Carlos.

Carlos used a safe house in Budapest, Hungary, for the bomb planning, preparations, and communications. Based on monitored telephone calls, a top-secret summary report on October 3, 1980, by Department III/II-8 of the Hungarian Interior Ministry, identified RFE/RL Romanian Service employee Emil Georgescu, Romanian King-in-Exile Michael, Paul Goma, and other émigrés as targets for Carlos. The attack on Emil Georgescu was supposed to be accomplished by an attack on the Romanian Section of Radio Free Europe. Then, the terrorists would take "secret" documents from the building.

Also, Carlos was assigned to break into or destroy the monitoring station outside Munich in Schleissheim and obtain "secret" documents. In return, the Romanians gave Carlos thirty-four Italian, German, French, and Austrian passports, plus Romanian diplomatic passports for Carlos, Johannes Weinrich ("Steve"), and Magdalena Kopp.

There was another planning session in Budapest on October 14, 1980, when the terrorists discussed existing surveillance reports detailing how the RFE/RL building appeared Saturday night. Someone, evident from the discussion, had already observed the RFE/RL headquarters building at 9 p.m. and 1 a.m. The surveillance report showed that about forty percent of the rooms had lights on, and the observer estimated that twenty percent of the employees worked at 9 p.m. When the bomb exploded Saturday at 9:50 p.m., only forty employees were in the building, out of a staff of almost one thousand. Their surveillance report was wrong in the estimated numbers of employees.

Carlos decided that his team would go to Munich in November and wait for the explosives, weapons, and other logistics necessary to carry out the attack. Further surveillance also would be required.

On December 19, 1980, in Budapest, Hungary, Carlos and German terrorist Johannes Weinrich had a heated discussion about the bombing of RFE/R--their conversation was covertly monitored and recorded by the Hungarian Intelligence Service. Carlos said he wanted to do it on Christmas Eve or Christmas day as no one would expect a bomb attack on those days. Weinrich agreed in principle but said they were not ready, as they did not have the required cars, and Carlos suggested New Year's Eve.

Weinrich then told Carlos that when he and the Swiss terrorist Bruno Breguet ("Luca") were doing surveillance of RFE/RL earlier that month, he stopped urinating against one of the trees on the RFE/RL grounds. Two guards walked in his direction and saw him, but they did not say anything and kept going. He noticed that one had a bunch of keys in one hand and a flashlight in the other. Because he had been seen, Weinrich told Carlos he needed a new coat, or the same guard might recognize him when they returned to bomb the building. Weinrich added that he preferred not to shoot the guard first. Carlos asked: "Why not?" Weinrich answered that this would draw unnecessary attention to them and that the Christmas tree in front of the building blocked the guard's view. Carlos told Weinrich that even if the bomb were to be discovered before it exploded, if anyone then tried to move it, it would explode, and "CIA would see just how professional their work was."

The original time for the bombing was scheduled to be 22:15. Weinrich told Carlos that he had planned that he and Bruno Breguet would need 12 minutes to get to the train station and head off from Munich in different directions. If they were discovered on the train, they would have alibis. Breguet would take the train to Nuremberg, where he would change to a train arriving from Switzerland to Berlin. He would exchange tickets with a helper on that train, and Breguet would then continue to Berlin as if he had been on that train the whole time. Carlos told him that this was a great idea.

On January 30, 1981, Carlos went to Bucharest and remained there until February 3, 1981. Taking advantage of the terrorists' absence, Hungarian counterintelligence officers entered Carlos's apartment on January 31, 1981, and discovered newly brought documentation about the bomb preparation. Included in the documentation brought to Budapest by the ETA terrorist Luc Edgar Groven ("Eric"), the documents included detailed sketches of RFE/RL's headquarters and other locations in Germany. Although it was not clear from this documentation when the bombing would occur.

Carlos set February 14, 1981, Valentine's Day, as the date for the bombing. However, ETA could not provide the necessary vehicles for the February 14 bombing, and the attack was postponed for one week. Carlos called "Andrei" in Bucharest on February 13, 1981, and in guarded terms told him that there was a delay in "Steve's" activities: "Steve cannot travel to Bucharest this weekend but will travel a few days later."

On February 19, 1981, Weinrich telephoned Carlos and told him in surreptitious terms that the bombing would now take place before Sunday—he was having bank transfer problems, but that should be resolved by Sunday morning- The following day, Carlos called Nica. He said, "Steve will come to Bucharest Sunday morning. He will telephone at 10 a.m. with the exact time."

Two members of the Basque terrorist group ETA Politico-Militar drove two vehicles from Marseille, France, to Munich for use in the bombing. One was a white 1968 Ford with a license plate stolen in Strasbourg, France, on February 20, 1981.

On Saturday night, February 21, 1981, Munich's temperature was below freezing. Snow covered the grounds around the sprawling two-story building. Evidence points to four members of Carlos's group physically involved in the bombinb:

  • Johannes Weinrich
  • Bruno Breguet
  • Jose Maria Larretxea (Larrechia-Goni in Spanish) (“Chepe”) from the Basque terrorist  group ETA PM
  • Juan Miguel GOIBURU MENDIZABAL, "Santiago” also from ETA.

A section of RFE/RL's headquarters building was in shambles as the Basque terrorists sped away in their cars across the bridge over the Isar River. The two Basque terrorists stopped about 300 yards from the damaged building and changed cars. They left behind the 1968 white Ford. Six months later, Munich police towed the car since it had been abandoned for so long. After they opened the trunk, they discovered five Soviet-made Koveshnikov F-1 hand grenades. These grenades were of the same type used by Carlos in the 1970s in Paris.

Breguet made his way to Berlin via a train from Munich through Nuremberg, where he switched trains and was given a ticket purchased in Switzerland to give him an alibi at the time of the bombing. The German terrorist Johannes Weinrich took a train to Switzerland, and the two ETA members also left Germany in one of the stolen cars. Months of careful preparation in Budapest, Hungary, had paid off.

After the bombing of RFE/RL, Carlos flew to Bucharest on March 6, 1981. Colonel Nica reluctantly toasted him with champagne for his performance, even though Carlos was unsuccessful according to Romanian wishes.

Nica was visibly upset, but Carlos did not seem to notice it. Nica raised a glass of champagne and ironically toasted Carlos, "Usually I kill for money, but this time I kill for nothing. Narok!" (Cheers!)" Carlos smiled throughout the toast, as he did not get the irony. Nica knew about the story of Carlos and one of his friends in the 1970s, when Carlos visited him one morning and, holding a gun to his head, he said: "Do you remember the movie where the cowboy says 'I kill you for money, I kill you for a woman, and I kill you for nothing because you are my friend." Carlos then put the gun down and hugged his friend. He was only joking.

After the RFE/RL bombing, Carlos had become a liability for the Socialist countries. Carlos left Europe and moved his base of operations to Damascus, Syria, where he continued to direct the group's international operations. After submitting to international criticism as a government involved in state-sponsored terrorism, Syria asked Carlos to leave in 1990. Carlos had problems settling in a friendly country. Reportedly, he did not ask the Iranian government for shelter because of his Marxist ideology and his resentment of religious movements. Iraq and Libya, under intense international pressure, refused him refuge.

Carlos settled in southern Yemen with his wife and child. Civil war erupted in Yemen in 1993, and Carlos learned that Palestinian factions protecting and supporting him would be transferred to Gaza and Jericho to participate in Palestinian autonomy. Carlos decided to seek refuge in Sudan, which was listed for years by the U.S. State Department as one country that harbored international terrorists.

Carlos became expendable, and, in the circumstances still unclear, Carlos was arrested in August 1994. French officials took him into custody, flew him to Paris, and placed him in a maximum-security prison.

On February 22, 1996, Carlos was placed under formal investigation by French authorities for the hand-grenade attack in Le Drugstore and charges of "assassination, attempted assassination, and destruction with explosives and other weapons.

In December 1997, Venezuelan-born Ilych Ramirez-Sanchez played out his role as "Carlos the Professional Revolutionary" and shortly held center stage during his trial in Paris. The judge and jury were not swayed by his histrionics and revolutionary rhetoric: he was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment for killing two French secret agents and their Lebanese informer in 1975 

When Carlos was using the safe house in Budapest, before and after the bombing, he had continual telephone contact with Lt. Col. Sergiu Nica, who used the code name Andrei Vitescu with the Carlos group. For a yet unknown reason, exactly nine years after the bombing (February 211990), Nica hand-wrote a report concerning his knowledge of some Romanian intelligence activities:

In 1978, when PACEPA betrayed us, I was working in Bucharest in the military unit U.M. 0620 and was in charge of the intelligence service and, among other duties, personally concerned with the informative action against the international terrorist "CARLOS." Our country was threatened from various angles (attack at the Otopeni airport, indications as to attacks of different embassies in Bucharest, etc.) with no possibility to localize the terrorist

Thanks to a foreign source, I was able to determine in 1979 that "Carlos" was living in socialist countries; ... "Carlos" was interested in establishing contact with the Romanian authorities, as well. I passed on this information and, after several meetings with the "informants." 

Colonel BLAGA, Stefan and General VLAD, Iulian, the management of the State Security Service, i.e., POSTELNICU, Tudor himself, decided to send me on a business trip abroad to verify statements concerning "Carlos΄" identity, to determine his attitude towards Romania and, also, to get me interested in a possible collaboration with him, to neutralize the traitor PACEPA.

Between 1981 and 1982, General PLESITA met "Carlos" and other members of his organization several times. With these meetings, he intended to:

• Have "Carlos" refrain from taking terrorist actions against Romania

• Support him in a certain way (meetings in Bucharest with his mother, as well as with terrorist elements active in South America)

• Get "Carlos" to support us with the neutralization of the traitor PACEPA.

As far as I know, nothing was attempted with PACEPA because they did not have any people in the U.S.A. Nevertheless, we could be sure at that point that no terrorist attacks would be taken against Romania.

Pacepa died on February 14, 2021, in the United States.

Carlos is in jail for two life terms in Paris. The Romanian general who ordered the attack died, as did the Romanian intelligence officer who coordinated the attack with Carlos. 

Johannes Weinrich remains in prison in Berlin, where he is serving a life sentence for the 1983 bombing of the French Cultural Center in Berlin.

Bruno Breguet was arrested and jailed in Paris in 1982 and returned to Switzerland after his jail sentence in 1985. He became a CIA informant in Switzerland in 1991 with the cryptonym FDBONUS/1 and was paid $3,000 per month for his services and information about international terrorists. He disappeared in 1995.

Jose Maria Larretxea died in Cuba on February 29, 1996.




Photographs courtesy of RFE/RL

February 17, 2021

Ion Pacepa and the mysterious Death of RFE/RL's Vlad Georgescu ©


Ion Mihai Pacepa, former intelligence general, who defected from communist Romania to the United States in 1978, died of COVID, aged 92 on February 14, 2021, in the U.S. Below is one story about how Pacepa’s defection and subsequent activity in the U.S. affected Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE(RL)

 

The Mysterious Death of Vlad Georgescu

 

Vlad Georgescu was a prestigious historian and dissident, who had a long history of trouble with the Securitate. Starting in 1974, the Securitate harassed him for criticizing the Ceausescu regime. He was accused of treason in 1977 and was jailed for writing several anti–Ceausescu essays and passing them on to the U.S. embassy for publication abroad. Because of the U.S. Government's interest in his case, Vlad was allowed to leave Romania and travel to Washington, where he asked for and received political asylum. Shortly afterward, he became a contributor to RFE’s broadcasts. Two years later, he was appointed associate director of RFE’s Romanian Broadcast Department and then became the BD director based in Munich, Germany.

In December 1987, Vlad Georgescu loaned me his copy of the recently published book, Red Horizons, by Ion Mihai Pacepa. The book was highly critical of the cult of personality surrounding Romanian Communist Party leader Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife Elena. 

Pacepa, a former general of the Romanian external intelligence service (DIE), defected to the United States in 1978. Pacepa claimed in his book that he had inside knowledge of activities of the Romanian intelligence service against RFE/RL. These included bomb threats against RFE/RL, attacks and threats against RFE/RL Romanian BD staff, and the use of a secretary in the office of the director of Central News, Agent “Balthazar.”

Vlad Georgescu’s sister-in-law, who lived in Romania, was due to visit Vlad. He aired his first review of the book on a Saturday in November. She was called into the Romanian intelligence service (Securitate) office on the Monday following the broadcast. The Securitate officer castigated Vlad for reviewing the book. He then told her that if Vlad allowed a reading of the book itself to be aired, he would be killed. She was allowed to leave Romania to give Vlad Georgescu this threatening message. 

Vlad was not intimidated and decided that RFE/RL’s Romanian Service would begin broadcasting a reading of the book starting the week of January 5, 1988. I sent a risk assessment report to senior management advising them to take this threat against Vlad Georgescu, and indirectly against RFE/RL, seriously.

On December 18, 1987, RFE/RL President Gene Pell expressed considerable concern about the broadcasts. He was even thinking about canceling the series: if RFE/RL canceled the book series, this would have been a political decision, rather than because of RFE/RL backing off due to the threats. 

On December 29, 1987, the New York Tribune published a long article headlined “Book Exposing PLO-Romanian Intrigue and Scandals Said Targeted by Terrorists.” The journalist wrote that the FBI was investigating a possible terrorist plot designed to disrupt the distribution of the Pacepa memoirs. He went on to say there were at least three known death threats to those associated with the book, including RFE/RL employees. “Agents of the PLO are principal suspects in the threats against the book publishers and Radio Free Europe, the government defector says.” This was the first information that the Palestinian Liberation Organization might be involved in any threats against RFE/RL

The Romanian Service broadcast the first of four programs on January 4, 1988. A week later there was a meeting in Vlad Georgescu’s office to discuss the recent Romanian programs and what steps RFE/RL was taking regarding any security problems he and his staff might face. Four more programs were broadcast that week and four programs were broadcast the following week, for a total of twelve programs. After the broadcasts, Vlad Georgescu told the radio listeners: “If they kill me for serializing Pacepa’s book, I’ll die with the clear conscience that I did my duty as a journalist.”

 Vlad Georgescu experienced digestive problems in the first months of 1988. In July 1988, doctors discovered a brain tumor. He had surgery to remove the malignant tumor. He flew to Washington to undergo unsuccessful experimental treatment at the National Institutes of Health. In early November, he returned to Munich where he died a week later on November 13, 1988.

 In the middle of December, RFE/RL contacted the U.S. legal attaché office in Bonn regarding the U.S. News and World Report article on the death of Vlad Georgescu. He answered that the U.S. Department of Justice had not yet authorized any investigation into the allegations of “murder through radiation.” Therefore, any report that the FBI was conducting any such investigation or would investigate was premature. Activity by the legal attaché’s office in West Germany was put on hold, because of “some flap” about the unauthorized visit of an FBI agent to the RFE/RL Washington office.

 The LKA (Bavarian State Police) decided that there was no cause to investigate the death of Vlad Georgescu.

In Washington, on December 27, 1988, an article by Bill Gertz appeared in the Washington Times. He quoted Pacepa in an interview as saying that he believed four Radio Free Europe officials had been killed with a radiation device designed by Romania’s Intelligence Service, CIE, with help from the Soviet KGB. He added that he warned the U.S. officials about the weapon during debriefing sessions in the late 1970s. In his book, Red Horizon Pacepa wrote: “In the spring of 1970, Service K added radioactive substances provided by the KGB to its deadly arsenal. Ceausescu himself gave the procedure the code name “Radu.” ... The radiation dosage was said to generate lethal forms of cancer.” Gertz quoted Pacepa as saying, “I don’t know anything for sure, because I was no longer in Romania when these events occurred. But I have no doubt this was not coincidental. I believe Ceausescu wanted these people killed with Radu.”

 In my book Cold War Radio: The Dangerous History of American Broadcasting in Europe, 1950-1960, I give more details of how Pacepa’s defection affected RFE/RL.